Saturday, December 26, 2015

Hillary vs. Trump: The Cycle Where Coalitions Get Upended

The 2012 Presidential election cycle seemed custom-made from the beginning as a cycle in which the Democratic Party had a pretty powerful message to send to blue-collar America.  Jobs were slowly but surely rebounding from the depths of the Great Recession and Barack Obama's signature action in that recovery was to bail out General Motors and Chrysler, a decision that seemed risky at the time but paid immediate dividends in the form of rebounding jobs in the industrial Midwest, when the almost inevitable consequence of not bailing out Detroit would be a complete collapse of the entire auto manufacturing industry and the supply chain that fed it. 

Meanwhile, the opposition party's frontrunner for President and eventual nominee was a guy who spent his entire professional career shutting down factories and passing the savings on to the corporate boardroom. After getting into Presidential politics, Mitt Romney wrote an op-ed entitled "Let Detroit Go Bankrupt", opposing the auto bailout endorsed by the rookie Obama administration and vowing to do to General Motors and Chrysler--and its workers--what he had done to every other company he laid his fingerprints on.  And months after unofficially getting the nomination, Romney's choice for running mate was a man whose top priority in public life was to take away working people's Medicare.  How, I thought to myself in August 2012, could Obama possibly get so lucky as to be running against the Romney-Ryan ticket?

And just in case the message to working-class America hadn't been made abundantly clear by the GOP's nomination of the Romney-Ryan ticket, Romney made sure to give them one more reminder with his videotaped screed to a room full of rich Republican megadonors that he had no interest in representing "those people" who didn't earn enough money to fall into his tax bracket.  A half century earlier, a Republican ticket like this would have been laughed out of the room by dominant margins by working-class voters.  Instead, the Romney-Ryan ticket held the Democratic Party to a mere 39% of the white vote, and even that 39% number was propped up by upscale whites.  Working-class whites supported Obama with numbers closer to 33% nationally, a nearly 2-1 victory in favor of the guys who took away their jobs in the past, wanted to take away even more of their jobs if given half a chance, thinks they're parasites mooching off the government, and just for good measure, wants to take away their Medicare so that the richest 1% can get more tax cuts.  Even in the best-case scenario environment for Democrats, the tide was turning rapidly against them among working-class whites....but it's about to get much, much worse.

The reason it's gonna get worse is that heading into the 2016 cycle, the Republican frontrunner is running on a campaign of "making America great again, sticking it to China, and demanding immigrants get in the back of the line" while Democrats' campaign is centered around gun control, immigration liberalization, and Black Lives Matter.  If Donald Trump was less of a loose cannon and an asshole personally, his message would probably be enough to win him the 2016 election against likely Democratic challenger Hillary Clinton.  But since Trump is loose cannon amateur, I suspect the same upscale whites who turned against John McCain in 2008 because his running mate was not ready for primetime will vote for Hillary in supersized margins.  But as long as Trump keeps running a campaign touching the themes his primary campaign is centered around, I think he not only maintains the GOP's 2-1 grip on working-class whites, but grows upon it, picking off potentially millions more two-time Obama voters in the Midwest who held on for the Democrats one last time in 2012 when the Democrats were still running as the party of the working guy while Republicans were running as the party of the management.

These divergent coalitions are likely to result in a sweeping Hillary win, at least in the popular vote as she'll undoubtedly dominate in LBJ vs. Goldwater-style numbers in the northeast and the West Coast, and probably do well enough among upscale conservative-leaning whites in the Midwest to hang on to the blue states of 2012 and offset likely losses among blue-collar whites in the same states.  It'll be a pyrrhic victory though because, just as with Goldwater's loss in 1964 that realigned what would become an ascendant future coalition, Trump's loss will win over millions of new converts to the GOP while positioning the party to get back most of the defectors who vote against him in two short years.  In other words, Trump's message is likely to flip working-class whites into a near monolithic bloc of Republican voters who won't flip back....whereas the Greenwich, Connecticut, and Wayzata, Minnesota, crowd that defects to the Democrats in 2016 will likely be on loan for one cycle only, flipping back to the Republicans in the 2018 midterms and staying there far more often than not to give them a dominant majority.

Now it's still too early to declare Trump the Republican nominee.  If GOP primary voters suddenly get their act together and nominate Rubio or even a generic Republican like Jeb!, Christie, or Kasich, they're likely to poach the majority of the voters Trump would be poised to pick up in 2016....white working class voters bristling about Democrats who can't stop talking about gun control, immigration, and Black Lives Matter.  If this were to come to pass, I suspect the Democratic share of the overall white vote would drop from 2012's 39% to something more like 35% in 2016.  If the GOP nominates Rubio, they'll get far more than the 27% of the Hispanic vote that Romney got.  And no matter who the Republicans nominate, I suspect that Obama not being on the ticket ensures both lower turnout among blacks and a Democratic share of the black vote that drops from 93-94% to 91-92%, a consequential amount given that the party is mortgaging its future on permanently overperforming among nonwhites and giving themselves virtually zero margin for error in doing so.

For all the talk by the Democrats about "demographics being destiny", their coalition has only delivered for one man in the last four election cycles, a man who will never be on the ballot again.  If the Republicans further strengthen their hold on whites because of a tone-deaf Democratic Party pushing the last remaining blue-collar whites off the ledge, the GOP's dominance in Congressional and legislative districts will be unbreakable for at least a generation, allowing Republicans to dominate an overwhelming majority of the legislation coming out of statehouses and Congresses that Democrats' best hope of stopping is occasionally squeezing out just enough a coalition to win a few Presidential elections.  At least in the near term though, the rate at which the Democrats are hemorrhaging working-class whites won't be enough for them to even pull that off.

And it's an open question whether the upscale whites that have trended Democrat in the last generation will continue to align with the party either.  I'm not sure how prolific the culture of white-shaming so prominent on college campuses today is in the real world, but if upscale whites are openly and endlessly excoriated in the national conversation for their "privilege" to the point of rendering their voices silenced, that will come with a backlash as well.  The events of recent years seem primed to trigger racial polarization throughout society that will inevitably reach out into our politics.  There's no tangible economic benefit for upscale whites to be aligned with the Democratic Party so if the party base starts villainizing them in public discourse, their reversion to the political party of their parents is likely to be an easier transition than working-class whites generation-long walk away from the Democrats has been.

The Republicans have problems of their own as the unhinged nature of their leading candidates and the primary voters who are supporting them indicate, but they are succeeding in continually moving the goalposts of American politics rightward.  Six months ago, Ted Cruz was considered an unimaginably radical Senator and an unmitigated disaster for the party in the unlikely situation he'd ever be their nominee.  But at the dawn of 2016, Cruz is now seen as the guy who the Republican  establishment will breathe a sigh of relief about if he's able to beat Trump.  Ultimately none of this matters though as long as Democrats choose to forfeit the voters who they successfully appealed to in 2012.  A lot of otherwise smart people seem to think Obama's impressive coalition in 2012 will be locked in place moving forward, with demographics only increasing their advantage.  Common sense says the historical patterns of partisan voting tides will hold and that coalitions within each party will keep evolving and realigning.  Common sense also says that betting the farm on consolidation of a nonwhite voter base with historically lethargic turnout and which is centrally located in a select number of urban areas that greatly dilutes its distributionary benefits is a good recipe for losing the overwhelming majority of elections.  And frankly the fact that Donald Trump and Ted Cruz are even in the ballgame in this election contest speaks volumes about how rough of shape the Democrats are really in.

2 Comments:

Blogger Sara said...

I had been thinking about the next midterms, at least in the Senate, and while I do not want to see Trump or Cruz anywhere near the White House, having one of them there might be a blessing in disguise for vulnerable Senate Democrats in 2018, which will be almost completely defensive for them. Republicans have just 8 seats up, most in safely red states, while Democrats have 25 (counting the 2 I's).

Arizona - Jeff Flake - Likely to Safe GOP, though a strong Democrat may be able to at least make it competitive.

California - Dianne Feinstein - Safe DEM; she will be 85 in 2018, but she's a lifer.

Connecticut - Chris Murphy - Safe DEM; Republicans have a better chance at taking the governorship after two terms of unpopular Democrat Malloy.

Delaware - Tom Carper - Safe DEM

Florida - Bill Nelson - Likely DEM if Nelson runs, though at 73 he might be a contender for retirement. If that happens, holding this seat will be very difficult with almost no one on the bench, as besides Nelson, Democrats have had trouble winning statewide in recent elections.

Hawaii - Mazie Hirono - Safe DEM

Indiana - Joe Donnelly - Competitive, as I doubt Republicans will repeat the mistakes of 2012, and turnout will guaranteed be lower.

Maine - Angus King - Safe IND; LePage is not exactly Mr. Popularity and I doubt Snowe will come out of retirement. Democrats outside of the Presidency have also had trouble winning statewide here post-2006.

Maryland - Ben Cardin - Safe DEM

Massachusetts - Elizabeth Warren - Safe DEM unless Baker runs, but Warren is no Coakley.

Michigan - Debbie Stabenow - Likely to Safe DEM. With Bush's unpopularity in 2006 and a presidential race in 2012, 2018 will be Stabenow's first real test since her first win in 2000. Snyder's drop in popularity (which may drop more in the wake of the Flint water scandal) can only help her, plus one of the Republicans' strongest candidates, Terri Lynn Land, couldn't win an open seat in a much redder year.

Minnesota - Amy Klobuchar - Safe DFL

Mississippi - Roger Wicker - Safe GOP

Missouri - Claire McCaskill - Like Donnelly in Indiana, McCaskill got lucky with her Republican challenger. Also like Donnelly, I don't think Republicans will repeat the mistakes of 2012 here either, and Missouri has become crimson red outside of Kansas City and St. Louis.

Montana - Jon Tester - This is probably one of the more worrisome races. Tester did win in 2012, but couldn't get 50% even with presidential turnout. It seems the Democrats' base in Montana is the 3-legged stool of retired union workers, college students, and Native Americans. If even one of those legs disappears, then that means trouble.

Nebraska - Deb Fischer - Safe GOP

Nevada - Dean Heller - Lean to Likely GOP. While Republicans in Nevada are more vulnerable than in decades past, Democrats still have some work to do, though they will probably target the open governorship more. While 2012 was very close, with an almost guaranteed drop-off in turnout in 2018, Heller's margin will probably be wider.

New Jersey - Bob Menendez - Likely DEM; Republicans have had better luck with the governorship than the Senate, and Christie's presidential run probably won't help either. (He is termed out of the governorship in 2017.)

New Mexico - Martin Heinrich - Safe DEM; might be competitive if Susanna Martinez, who is termed out, runs unless she becomes VP.

New York - Kirsten Gillibrand - Safe DEM

North Dakota - Heidi Heitkamp - I was surprised she managed to pull it off against the sitting Republican Representative last time, though like Indiana and Missouri, I think Republicans will find a stronger candidate from their large bench.

7:35 PM  
Blogger Sara said...

Ohio - Sherrod Brown - Brown is more entrenched, though it is hard to not see this race as competitive, especially if the termed-out Kasich runs. Brown, like Obama, has managed to beat the odds though and win with a decimated state party, though the win was only in single digits.

Pennsylvania - Bob Casey, Jr. - Having also won by just single digits last time, Casey seems to be in a similar situation as Brown, except Pennsylvania is more Democratic than Ohio, Casey is probably a better fit, and Republicans will probably focus more of their efforts at Governor Wolf.

Rhode Island - Sheldon Whitehouse - Safe DEM

Tennessee - Bob Corker - Safe GOP

Texas - Ted Cruz(?) - Safe GOP with or without Cruz.

Utah - Orrin Hatch - Safe GOP even if Hatch retires.

Vermont - Bernie Sanders - Safe IND if Sanders runs; very likely safe DEM if Sanders becomes President.

Virginia - Tim Kaine - Competitive due to lower turnout in an otherwise bluish-purple state; however Northern Virginia might save Kaine like it did Warner, who managed to eke out a win in a horrible year.

Washington - Maria Cantwell - Safe DEM. Republicans could make it a race, but I don't see anyone at this point.

West Virginia - Joe Manchin - Another seat in danger of flipping, probably the likeliest Dem-held seat to flip, with the state turning from almost completely DEM to almost completely GOP in less than a decade.

Wisconsin - Tammy Baldwin - Another trouble spot as Democrats tend to shine here in presidential years, and Republicans in midterms, and with Walker a possible challenger.

Wyoming - John Barrasso - Safe GOP



So that puts the tally at:

6 safe Republicans: Wicker, Fischer, Corker, Cruz, Hatch, Barrasso

2 possibly vulnerable Republicans: Flake, Heller

12 safe Democrats (including 2 Dem-caucusing I's): Feinstein, Murphy, Carper, Hirono, King, Cardin, Warren, Klobuchar, Gillibrand, Whitehouse, Sanders, Cantwell

3 currently safe Democrats who could become vulnerable if circumstances change: Stabenow, Heinrich, Menendez

7 possibly vulnerable Democrats: Nelson, Donnelly, McCaskill, Heitkamp, Casey, Kaine, Baldwin

3 very vulnerable Democrats: Tester, Brown, Manchin

Of course we need to see the 2016 results before predicting whether or not Republicans will reach 60 in 2018, but Democrats will need to do really well this year, possibly gaining 3 or 4 seats, to keep Republicans below 60 if we have President Hillary or Bernie. If we end up with President Trump, President Cruz, or whoever, then a Republican president might be a blessing in disguise for McCaskill, Tester, and Manchin unless the Republican president is wildly popular in 2018.

7:36 PM  

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